Adjunct extraposition: base-generation or movement?
Adjunct extraposition: base-generation or movement?
It has been argued that extraposition from DP is derived differently according to whether a complement or an adjunct is extraposed, with complement extraposition being derived by movement and adjunct extraposition being derived via covert QR of the host DP plus Late Merge of the adjunct (Fox & Nissenbaum 1999). We argue that adjunct extraposition is itself derivationally ambiguous, and may be derived either by movement of the adjunct or by base-generation of the adjunct in extraposed position. Accordingly, we argue for a relaxation of the strictly compositional view that nominal modification is always mediated by syntactic sisterhood. We argue that while base-generated extraposition is possible with quantificational host DPs, adjunct extraposition from definites must be derived by movement. This accounts for a number of asymmetries between extraposition from definites and from other types of DP, concerning reconstruction for Condition C, scope reconstruction, and information-structural restrictions on extraposition.
215-248
Reeve, Matthew
89358b68-f7ce-48c0-a39e-f98f8cda9de0
Hicks, Glyn
1f3753b1-1224-4cd3-8af3-5bf708062831
September 2017
Reeve, Matthew
89358b68-f7ce-48c0-a39e-f98f8cda9de0
Hicks, Glyn
1f3753b1-1224-4cd3-8af3-5bf708062831
Reeve, Matthew and Hicks, Glyn
(2017)
Adjunct extraposition: base-generation or movement?
Syntax, 20 (3), .
(doi:10.1111/synt.12136).
Abstract
It has been argued that extraposition from DP is derived differently according to whether a complement or an adjunct is extraposed, with complement extraposition being derived by movement and adjunct extraposition being derived via covert QR of the host DP plus Late Merge of the adjunct (Fox & Nissenbaum 1999). We argue that adjunct extraposition is itself derivationally ambiguous, and may be derived either by movement of the adjunct or by base-generation of the adjunct in extraposed position. Accordingly, we argue for a relaxation of the strictly compositional view that nominal modification is always mediated by syntactic sisterhood. We argue that while base-generated extraposition is possible with quantificational host DPs, adjunct extraposition from definites must be derived by movement. This accounts for a number of asymmetries between extraposition from definites and from other types of DP, concerning reconstruction for Condition C, scope reconstruction, and information-structural restrictions on extraposition.
Text
Reeve and Hicks Prepublication version.pdf
- Author's Original
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Accepted/In Press date: December 2014
e-pub ahead of print date: 19 June 2017
Published date: September 2017
Organisations:
Modern Languages and Linguistics
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Local EPrints ID: 384551
URI: http://eprints.soton.ac.uk/id/eprint/384551
ISSN: 1368-0005
PURE UUID: 7b6b1e23-8efd-4f41-8ee9-fa9b7de22007
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Date deposited: 07 Jan 2016 16:30
Last modified: 15 Mar 2024 03:29
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Author:
Matthew Reeve
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