Autoarchaeology and neo-shamanism the social-politics of ecstasy

Abstract

'Shamanism' is an anthropologically constructed concept to explain a socio-religious phenomenon in many non-Western societies that enables community healing via interactions with spirits. In this thesis I explore archaeological and anthropological perspectives on, and more importantly, attitudes towards, 'Neo-shamanism'. I use such theoretical and methodological approaches as alternative archaeology and experiential anthropology, which coalesce, into what I call an 'Autoarchaeology': to understand the past it is imperative we explicitly consider, and take into account, our own sociopolitical locations and motivations. An archaeology of shamanism therefore begins not with shamanism in the past, but with neo-shamanism in the present.

In presenting an ethnography of neo-shamanism, I first discuss how our perceptions of shamanism are heavily influenced by neo-shamanism. I scrutinise main figures in neo-shamanism and specific examples of neo-shamanic practice, on the basis of their universalising, psychologising and romanticising of shamanism. I then critically compare a neo-shamanic case example of Celtic neo-shamanism with Heathen neo-shamanism, two traditions that reconstruct and revive ancient north European pagan religions. I assess these practices in terms of their authenticity and value to archaeologists and historians. Neo-shamanic interactions with archaeological sites, particularly Stonehenge and Avebury are also discussed. The preservation ethic of the heritage industry is contrasted with the neo-shamanic view that perceives ancient monuments to be spiritually alive. Finally, I examine neo-shamanic appropriations of indigenous shamanisms, particularly with regard to Native America. Chaco Canyon in New Mexico is used as a case example of a disputed archaeological site.

Critics perceive neo-shamanism in stereotypical ways; it is seen as a monolithic entity and dismissed. In contrast, I point to great diversity in neo-shamanism and argue that exploring this variety reveals both positive and negative aspects. A more contextualised approach that is socially and politically sensitive, is essential. In conclusion, I suggest strategies looking towards reciprocal benefit, such as forums for meeting and negotiating where communication and education are otherwise lacking. Despite the extremely sensitive and intrinsically political nature of the issues, they must not be left untouched. On the contrary, if the socio-political issues arising from this discussion are not addressed by the interest groups concerned, a contemporary neo-shamanic agenda for the archaeological past and ethnographic present will compromise all voices into increasingly difficult positions.

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