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Do voters differentially punish transnational corruption?

Do voters differentially punish transnational corruption?
Do voters differentially punish transnational corruption?
A large literature studies whether, and under what circumstances, voters will electorally punish corrupt politicians. Yet this literature has to date neglected the empirical prevalence of transnational dimensions to real-world corruption allegations, even as corruption studies undergo a ‘transnational turn’. We use a survey experiment in the United Kingdom in 2020 to investigate whether voters differentially punish politicians associated with transnational corruption and test four different potential mechanisms: information salience, country-based discrimination, economic nationalism and expected representation. We find evidence suggesting that voters indeed differentially punish transnational corruption, but only when it involves countries perceived negatively by the public (i.e. a ‘Moscow-based firm’). This is most consistent with a mechanism of country-based discrimination, while we find no evidence consistent with any other mechanism. These results suggest that existing experimental studies might understate the potential for electoral accountability by neglecting real-world corruption allegations’ frequent transnational dimension.
corruption, electoral accountability, survey experiment, transnational
0304-4130
1197-1207
Cheng-Matsuno, Vanessa
96cdb07c-18c8-4518-b41b-045241c350e4
Berliner, Daniel
8f8e4813-00f2-4606-a630-cdf9838bd283
Cheng-Matsuno, Vanessa
96cdb07c-18c8-4518-b41b-045241c350e4
Berliner, Daniel
8f8e4813-00f2-4606-a630-cdf9838bd283

Cheng-Matsuno, Vanessa and Berliner, Daniel (2024) Do voters differentially punish transnational corruption? European Journal of Political Research, 63 (3), 1197-1207. (doi:10.1111/1475-6765.12643).

Record type: Article

Abstract

A large literature studies whether, and under what circumstances, voters will electorally punish corrupt politicians. Yet this literature has to date neglected the empirical prevalence of transnational dimensions to real-world corruption allegations, even as corruption studies undergo a ‘transnational turn’. We use a survey experiment in the United Kingdom in 2020 to investigate whether voters differentially punish politicians associated with transnational corruption and test four different potential mechanisms: information salience, country-based discrimination, economic nationalism and expected representation. We find evidence suggesting that voters indeed differentially punish transnational corruption, but only when it involves countries perceived negatively by the public (i.e. a ‘Moscow-based firm’). This is most consistent with a mechanism of country-based discrimination, while we find no evidence consistent with any other mechanism. These results suggest that existing experimental studies might understate the potential for electoral accountability by neglecting real-world corruption allegations’ frequent transnational dimension.

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e-pub ahead of print date: 12 December 2023
Published date: 2 July 2024
Keywords: corruption, electoral accountability, survey experiment, transnational

Identifiers

Local EPrints ID: 494137
URI: http://eprints.soton.ac.uk/id/eprint/494137
ISSN: 0304-4130
PURE UUID: 98f65f5b-4750-4242-ab8e-61422977607d
ORCID for Vanessa Cheng-Matsuno: ORCID iD orcid.org/0000-0003-2625-1812

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Date deposited: 25 Sep 2024 16:30
Last modified: 01 Oct 2024 02:11

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Contributors

Author: Vanessa Cheng-Matsuno ORCID iD
Author: Daniel Berliner

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